This son will never set in the west

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India's two foremost parties, congress and the bjp, are getting increasingly dynastic as ticket distribution for the assembly polls show. Priyanka Rai reports

Indian politics has become an exclusive rich members’ club -- open to only the scions of prominent political families. Rahul Gandhi, himself a beneficiary of this practice, publicly acknowledged its pre-eminence during his three-day visit to Uttarakhand in October. And though he said he was willing to work for changing the dynastic system, his offer seemed mostly for public consumption.

And, as recent events have shown, Margaret Alva is more than willing that it should continue.

Alva, who says she has quit the Congress because the party tickets for the Karnataka Assembly polls had been put on sale, has in truth quite another grouse. What actually raised her hackles was the denial of the Assembly ticket to her son Nivedith. She is just as sore about nominations being withheld from the grandson of former Union minister C.K. Jaffer Sharief, even though the relatives of two dozen leaders got the nod in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan and Jammu and Kashmir.

Alva was only demanding what everyone else who is party to this system of political patronage takes for granted. Either change the system completely or treat all equally -- that seems to be the crux of Alva’s “argument”. Why was her son left out? What wrong had he done so that others were preferred over him? And she had gone on to allege that "different yardsticks" were being adopted in deciding the party nominations for the upcoming elections in six states.

But the Congress rubbished her accusation that tickets were being “sold” and ruled out any probe in the matter, insisting that no “wrongdoing” had occurred in ticket distribution. Quite predictably, Alva's resignation has been accepted by the high command. Insiders say that Alva's report is a recipe for fresh trouble in the months leading upto the General Elections. If similar protests start in other parts of the country, it could hardly be good tidings for a party already facing anti-incumbency.

The Congress claimed that the sole criterion for ticket distribution was the candidates’ winning ability. If some ticket recipients were relatives of big leaders it was only because they were more likely to win their seats than newcomers.

Congress, as ever, tops this list. In Madhya Pradesh the lucky ones are Ajay Singh, Arjun Singh's son, Veer Singh, Union Minister Kantilal Bhuria's nephew and senior leader Jamuna Devi's nephew, Umang Singaar.


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Source : IIPM Editorial, 2008
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).


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Anni gives it to them!

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New challenges ahead for Nasheed after free elections

After three decades as the unquestionable Head of the State of the Maldives, Asia's longest serving leader was cast out this week by a past political captive in the nation’s first ever independent elections. Mohamed “Anni” Nasheed bagged 54 per cent of the popular vote to 46 per cent for President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, according to the Election Commission. Later, Nasheed, 41, held talks with Gayoom, 71, and then addressed the tiny nation of 370,000 people, who are predominantly Sunni Muslims, spread across nearly 1,200 islands.

Nasheed is likely to be sworn in on November 11 – exactly 30 years to the day after Gayoom took office in 1978, in a largely symbolic gesture. Brought up and educated in Sri Lanka and Britain, Nasheed spent six years in detention for protesting against Gayoom's rule, prior to being granted political refuge in Britain in 2004. He returned to the archipelago and set up the Maldivian Democratic Party after Gayoom authorised formation of political parties. Reacting to the power transfer, Fayyaz Ali Manik, a political expert at the Maldives College of Higher Education told TSI, “Nasheed has been a former Amnesty International 'prisoner of conscience'. I think that speaks volumes about him. I just hope that the power transition will be smooth. There is no place for vendetta politics here.”

Gayoom's faction claims he has radically changed Maldives, making it a country with the highest per capita income and facilitated a non-violent switch to democratic rule. But his detractors brand him a modern-day sultan who has siphoned millions of dollars from tourism and tsunami aid, and could give Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe's notorious President, a run for his money in his resolve to hang on to power.

Nasheed’s throne, however, will not be without thorns. Maldives’ very survival is under threat from global warming. He’ll also have to tackle serious challenges: preserving its profitable tourism industry, guaranteeing a fairer division of assets and dealing with the youths' drugs culture.


Saurabh Kumar Shahi


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Anniversary bonanza

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The cover of the anniversary double issue (TSI 6 Oct-12 Oct 2008) was aptly titled '40 years of Upheavals' and was quite interesting to read. This particular issue was very informative, as it covered almost all the important happenings of the country since 1967. I congratulate TSI for the anniversary issue which is worth preserving. The article 'Women's lib in a Bihar Village' was also a commendable article that brings a ray of hope for the denizens of Bihar. Such initiatives need good mouthpiece like the multilingual TSI to spread awareness about such issues.

Madhukar Mohan

Ahmedabad


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Arshad is now hurrying home to smoothen

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Trouble in paradise

Post Munnabhai MBBS’ success, Arshad Warsi's career finally took off. Unfortunately, he’s not been balancing work and family well enough to keep wife Maria Goretti happy. Recently, she sparked off rumours of their separation after talking to the media about being neglected and suffering from loneliness and depression for years. After hearing of this outburst, Arshad is now hurrying home to smoothen her ruffled feathers and spend time with his “complete woman” and his two kids.


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The entire perspective of winning and losing changes

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Nano lessons!

Tata’s exit from Bengal is somehow largely perceived as a loss to both Tatas and West Bengal. But how much Bengal and Tatas would have actually gained, had they succeeded in operationalising the facility at Singur, remains doubtful. In fact, looking at the way things were shaping up there, a win for one would have always been a loss for the other. For, had the factory come up, for all the promises of generating employment by the Tatas – how much of it would have gone in productively engaging the farmers and their families would have always remained debatable. And going by the past precedence, to what extent Tatas would have been successful in running the factory remains equally doubtful. But then, the moot question is not who won. The entire perspective of winning and losing changes, the moment one looks beyond the micro-interests of an industrial house and that of one state, but for the nation as a whole. And in this case, the nation was a loser from the word go!

One just cannot rule this fact away that a Nano can be manufactured anywhere in the country, and not essentially on a fertile piece of land. Similarly, there are lot of means by which West Bengal can take the industrialisation route, not essentially with a Nano. For argument sake, playing around Bengal’s strength, why can’t the state government take the food processing route to industrialisation? Globally it is a known fact that food processing can go about generating huge economic value, and Bengal stands to gain for its inherent strength in terms of the supply chain. Moreover, this kind of forward linkages would not only help the industry to grow but would also help farmers directly associate themselves in the process, without losing anything. Similarly, why didn’t Tata in the first place decide to start its factory somewhere in Maharashtra or Tamilnadu, wherein it could have reaped the advantages to external economies, which these regions possess on account of their existing automobile manufacturing advantage.

And this has been the crux of the problem. Most of our state governments suffer from a herd mindset and thus always follow a collusive approach. It is a common sense that Bengal or a Punjab can easily become the food hub for India and for the world, and Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh can retain themselves as the technology hubs. Similarly, Jharkhand, Bihar and Orissa can play to their respective and inherent strength of minerals. In fact, it is prudent that each and every state works together and plan out a non-collusive and distinct course of industrialisation and progress. With time, each and every region has created its own inherent strengths, which have been either by a natural design or by legacy. And these strengths invariably have been instrumental in extending external economies to the existing industry, already. But rather than doing this, it seems most of our state governments are stubbornly chasing the same developmental model. It isn't a secret that it would take years and huge amount of resources to replicate another Chennai in Kolkata!! And frankly, that is what most of the state governments are trying to do. As a result, none of the states are able to exploit its existing resources to the fullest, and each one of them are operating much below their sub-optimal levels, leading to an unprecedented national loss!! It is high time that our state governments realise that instead of competing among each other, we need to work together towards mutual progress. At the end of the day, we are all a part of a larger revolution called ‘India”.


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Religious fundamentalism

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I have not come across a more precise and non-diabolical edit piece in recent times on the subject of religious terrorism. To explore some thing as sacred as Indian freedom struggle to find the "purpose" behind the acts of violence and terror is something completely offbeat. Mr Chaudhuri deserves kudos for expressing his mind in no uncertain terms. What we are seeing today is a free play of religious fundamentalism by vested interests for their short term gains. Both our so-called political and spiritual leaders are shamelessly playing to the gallery in an attempt to safeguard and grow their vote bank. The growth of religious fundamentalism on both sides of the fence in India and the way we as a country deal with it will define our national character in the coming years.

Kaushlendra Sinha

New Delhi



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Damn you image managers

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India needs to refurbish its present tinted image…

The last few weeks have witnessed so many critical incidences that the whole concept of ‘Brand India’ seems to be distorted, if not changed. Both internal and external factors and events have largely reshaped India’s image amongst the global audience at large.

It all started with the West Bengal politico vs Nano conflict which eventually forced the Tata's car project to find a new home for itself. It was followed by murder of the Cerlikon-Graziano CEO by an angry ex-employee in Noida. These all were happenings against the backdrop of the ‘annual man-made (to a large extent) floods’ in Bihar and Orissa, which claimed thousands of lives. Even as Indian and global audiences were trying to comprehend these developments, religious conflict took off in Orissa where fanatics launched their concentrated attack on Orissa's Christians, killing thousands of innocent people and raping nuns.

All these were happening while the justice system was trying to justify itself (High Court bribery case), the Indian intelligence were trying to crack the serial bomb blast cases, Jammu & Kashmir was experiencing a new wave of conflicts altogether, states were fighting on river water, and rumour-mongers caused stampede resulting in the deaths of around 150 pilgrims. These incidents affected not only the nation but the world as well. To make matters worse, even the international fraternity and global forums bombarded our country with different reports and indicators. The first and the biggest blow was from the World Bank and its new poverty definition followed by ADB’s poverty definition which placed more than 60 per cent Indians below poverty line. Then came the report on 'ease of doing business' which made it clear to the international business fraternity that India still (with India slipping down two notches) is a tough place to start your business.

Moreover, India’s ranking dropped by 8 positions in Economic Freedom Index which calculates prosperity for the whole society. But the final blow came from transparency international, which – like in all its previous years – fortified that India is still a very corrupt country (ranking went down by 13 positions). The entire exercise of feeding the global audience with numerous reports on 'India’s Shining' – thus gradually erasing the century-old image of India being a land of malaria and snake charmers from their minds – seems to have proved futile. With the world eyeing our 1.3 billion population as the most intellectual species, India urgently needs to refurbish its tinted image and synchronise its reality with rhetoric.


Sray Agarwal


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Thus, the loss of market value of sub-prime securities just since early 2007 totals around $380 billion (IMF, OECD 2008).

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In an environment of electronically linked and globalised markets and rapid innovations, risk and uncertainty assume specific meanings and weight.

The IMF estimates the loss in the US linked to sub-prime mortgages at $144 billion. Because it is also the largest, investors from all over the world are likely to buy US instruments and thereby to see losses. Indeed, the US spillover effects on other markets are significant. According to the IMF, all economies have experienced spillover effects from US subprime housing market: it finds that the European Union as a whole lost $123 billion, Canada $7 billion, Japan lost about $10 billion, and other Asian countries combined lost about $13 billion. This is evidence of the global circulation of mortgage backed-securities. Within the EU, the country whose financial system is most intertwined with the US, the United Kingdom, will see a sub-prime mortgage linked loss of $40 billion, followed by Switzerland’s loss of $23 billion. Thus, the loss of market value of sub-prime securities just since early 2007 totals around $380 billion (IMF, OECD 2008).

As for the second dynamic, network effects, it concerns the impact of complex financial instruments meant to reduce risk on electronically linked financial markets. The electronic linking of markets (both nationally and globally), the accelerated rise in innovations enabled by both financial economics and digitisation, and the sharp growth in the use of a particular type of financial instrument, the derivative, have come together in ways that have launched a new phase in financial markets. The diversification and dominance of derivatives has raised the complexity of operations and has further facilitated the linking of different financial markets. In an environment of electronically linked and globalised markets and rapid innovations, risk and uncertainty assume specific meanings and weight. This, in turn, partly explains why derivatives have become the most widely used financial instrument.


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I know nothing of the details of their deaths, or whether they blamed me as they perished.

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Our joy was short-lived. Another agent who had allowed us to use his house as a meeting spot was, in fact, a double agent working for the North. I received instructions from the government to return home the very next day. But I knew very well I couldn’t; I would be killed as a traitor. I anguished over what my failure to appear would mean for my family back in Pyongyang. It’s bad enough for a soldier or a student to defect. But I knew intimate details of the ruling family’s inner circles. Surely they would view my betrayal as a personal insult.

I never returned to North Korea, and I never saw my family again. A few years later, I heard from a well-placed South Korean minister that my family had been sent to a gulag and murdered, the innocent victims of my treasonous crime. To this day, I know nothing of the details of their deaths, or whether they blamed me as they perished.

I ache when I imagine what Kim Jong Il did to my family. So many times, I’ve imagined killing him and then killing myself. Countless days and nights I have pounded my chest with guilt and grief, unable to forgive myself for the ghastly fate that I have brought my beloved wife – my lifelong companion—our daughters and son, their spouses, and even our dear grandchildren.

But I am willing to let go of my painful grievance against Kim Jong Il. My only wish is that he opens North Korea’s doors and lets the hungry, tired people enjoy the kind of freedom and abundance that South Koreans, Americans, and so many others do. Until then, I will let the rest of the world see what I’ve seen: a young, innocent boy who turned into a monster, and a country with so much promise transformed into a concentration camp.


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'This is one of Big B's best performances'IIPM to come up at Rajarhat
IIPM awards four Bengali novelists

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Will this Singh be King again?

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A comeback may not be difficult for this resilient politician who knows when to hide and when to rise

Hardly any accounts of Rajas of Punjab fleeing battleground can be found if the pages of history books are turned. So, when the scion of royal house of Patiala, Captain Amarinder Singh fled to London recently to escape a possible custodial interrogation, the news surprised many. But raised eyebrows subsided soon. Singh, after all, is a modern day leader in a country where corrupt ministers are deified and murderers manage to enter the cabinet.

As expected, his ardent supporters and his sworn opponents give conflicting views on his political future. “Capt. Amarinder Singh is a spent force. His dream of returning to power will not be fulfilled. He is nowhere on our radar,” says Sukhbir Singh Badal, the Shiromani Akali Dal Chief. “Congress as well as Capt. Amarinder Singh would gain sympathy and it would have bearing on the parliamentary elections too," counters Ajit Inder Singh Mofar, the Congress MLA from Sardulgarh.

Singh was recently expelled from the Punjab assembly for favouring a private builder in a multi-million-rupee land deal in Amritsar. The vigilance bureau was directed to register a case by the assembly. There were speculations that the vigilance officials could arrest and question him regarding the deal, which led to Singh fleeing for London. The Punjab and Haryana High Court, however has stalled his custodial interrogation. Days may be difficult for Singh today, but for those who have observed Punjab politics, the current scenario may be nothing more than the wheel turning full circle. When Singh was Punjab's Chief Minister (2002-07), he had ordered the arrest of present CM Parkash Singh Badal.

If the allegations of corruption are at all true, Singh would need a deeper analysis. His ancestors and the wealth that he commands suffice no apparent reasons for him to risk his career for bundles of ‘hush money’. Scion of the royal house of Patiala, he is the son of late Maharaja Yadavindra Singh and grandson of late Maharaja Bhupendra Singh. As far his persona goes, he seems to have taken more after his grandfather, known for his extravagance and many wives, rather than his more sober father. However, he could have managed to remain extravagant even if he spent within the wealth he was born with for his entire life.

Singh was once a minister with the Akali Dal, but he quit the party and walked into the Congress when the Akali leadership denied him the ticket for parliamentary polls. Singh is known to have a resilient past, so it may not be surprising if he bounces back with a bang as he has done that in the past; as his supporters have predicted. Only though upon his return to his homeland.

footsteps

l Born on March 11, 1942 in Patiala
l Began his career in the Army
l Was introduced to Congress by
Rajiv Gandhi
l Joined the Akali Dal in 1984
l Returned to Congress and was Punjab''s CM from 2002 to 2007

Nirupama Dutt


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Write back to Jack & Suzy Welch at editor@businessandeconomy.org

Que: In your opinion, what big business imperative doesn’t get enough attention? (Pedro Cezar Dantas Neto, Brazil) Ans: Stickiness. Of all the business ideas in the “debate-o-sphere” – and stickiness has been out there for years now, known by many names including “customer retention” and “loyalty” – it still doesn’t obsess managers nearly as much as it should. Because stickiness can change the game: It transforms business from a transaction-based model to a more lasting, mutually beneficial one, in which companies improve their own revenues and margins by improving their customers’ competitiveness. Indeed, the only trouble is it can be so hard to create. But still, allow us to suggest a few proven ways to go at it.

The first, perhaps not surprisingly, is good old-fashioned service, which needs to stand out. Take Mitchell’s, the Connecticut-based clothing chain. It’s managed to outperform its competition in the tough suburban New York market by treating its customers not only like royalty, but also as unique individuals, offering personal productivity “enhancements” with conveniences such as same-day tailoring and home delivery. On a much larger scale, The Four Seasons also wins hearts and wallets in the crowded luxury hotel market by invariably delivering high-quality, seamless experiences. For manufacturing companies, customer service is critical, but another approach to stickiness requires moving from a product-focused business to a product-and-long-term-service business by guaranteeing productivity gains to customers. Now remember, most engineers want to build new machines; the faster and more powerful, the better. With this model, you’re asking your engineers to focus on continuous technology upgrades to meet commitments that got you the sale, and you’re betting they’re talented enough to design and deliver those upgrades in a way that can guarantee productivity increases over many years. That’s a big wager, but if you’re right, it’s a huge win for everyone at the table.

Another option open to manufacturing companies, particularly in commodity businesses, is to use your strong balance sheet to take a major outlay of capital off of a customer’s balance sheet. Specialty industrial gas companies win long-term contracts, for instance, by building their plants next door to customers’ factories, providing over-the-fence, competitively priced raw materials without hassles of hazardous delivery. Similarly, some plastic manufacturers build on-site silos for customers, essentially guaranteeing an ever-present, cost-competitive supply.

Almost all companies can create stickiness by sharing know-how. You can welcome customers into your R&D facilities with a “my lab is your lab” mind-set, share new designs for packaging or demonstrate exciting products coming down the road. If your expertise happens to be HR, you can train your customers’ managers in hiring, coaching, evaluation et al. Many companies that are advanced with lean Six Sigma, for instance, send their “Black Belts” into customer organisations to launch training programmes.

Finally, businesses can create stickiness by building user communities. Every year in cities around the world, for instance, SAP hosts conferences where customers can meet IT experts, software developers and – most importantly – each other, to share SAP best practices. These are not sales events per se, but you can be sure that attendees leave with a feeling of partnership with SAP that has to be a big part of the company’s steady share gains.

We’re not inventing gravity here: We know that in most companies, all or some of these approaches to stickiness have gotten lip service. But too often that’s all they get. The truth is that any one of these approaches involves a major culture and mind-set change, with a management commitment of time and money, and the acceptance of some level of risk. Basically, the organisation must come to see the world through the customers’ eyes. Otherwise, unlike gravity, stickiness just won’t happen.


Jack Welch & Suzy Welch


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Source : IIPM Editorial, 2008
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).


Read these article :-
B-schooled in India, Placed Abroad (Print Version)
IIPM in Financial times (Print Version)
IIPM makes business education truly global (Print Version)
The Indian Institute of Planning and Management (IIPM)
IIPM Campus

ZEE BUSINESS BEST B SCHOOL SURVEY


For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
1500-plus IIPM students placed across the country with 44 bagging international offers
IIPM set to beat economic slowdown
IIPM, GURGAON
IIPM - Admission Procedure
IIPM awards four Bengali novelists
The Hindu : Education Plus : Honour for IIPM
IIPM ranked No.1 B-School in India, Management News - By ...
IIPM Ranked No1 B-School in India
Moneycontrol >> News >> Press- News >> IIPM ranked No1 B-School in ...
» IIPM ranked No1 B-School in India :: Education, Careers ...
The Hindu Business Line : IIPM placements hit a high of over 2000 jobs
Deccan Herald - IIPM ranked as top B-School in India
India eNews - IIPM Ranked No1 B-School in India
IIPM Delhi - Indian Institute of Planning and Management New Delhi ...
domain-b.com : IIPM ranked ahead of IIMs
IIPM makes business education truly global-Education-The Times of ...